Gerardo Werthein's resignation reveals a major contradiction within libertarian politics . In October 2024, Werthein had taken over from Diana Mondino , as his long career as a businessman had linked him to close contacts with similarly named North American sectors that had previously nominated him as Argentine ambassador to Washington, immediately after Javier Milei's presidential inauguration. But his recent resignation adds another detail to the damaged rudder that our Republic steers in the delicate international relations that are developing over the trade dispute between the US and China.

This table indicates that insisting on going against national interests is yet another example that sovereignty is our very sustenance, but at the same time the food that our Anglo-American adversaries boast: Is there, for the libertarian government, a vacancy in the decision-making power that our country must pursue in the field of our claim to the Malvinas Islands?
This question seems to be a clue to understanding the next moves of whoever replaces the top position in the Foreign Ministry, since the recent SWAP agreement signed with the US for 20 billion dollars and the purchase of Argentine pesos by the US Treasury, places us at a global turning point, seen by the world, when Donald Trump himself recently clarified that "Argentina is suffering and is doing what it can." However, Washington's position of removing the Asian giant from Latin America puts us in a risky situation when the northern country intends for Argentina to cancel the SWAP with China signed by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in 2009, successively renewed by Mauricio Macri, Alberto Fernández and Javier Milei himself in the middle of this year.
In this regard, it should be noted that the claim to our Malvinas Islands is based on the unwavering sovereign defense of national interests, since politicizing our territory is equivalent to defending it entirely at the diplomatic level against foreign interests seeking dominance over our region, even within an international framework with greater economic influences placed on countries and blocs of the Global South.
Between the opening of the Chamcay-Shanghai port between Peru and China , Colombia's subscription to the Belt and Road Initiative (Silk Roads), or the construction of the bioceanic corridor between Brazilian and Peruvian ports, there is clear evidence of a commercial communion in the Southern Cone that is reactivated beyond ideologies associated with the Cold War period of the last century .
While the Malvinas Islands and the surrounding areas in the South Atlantic remain in limbo—key to this stage of economic globalization, which finds us still an international geopolitical center—the current libertarian difference consists of creating diplomatic havoc that undermines the historical trajectory with our trading partners, creating loopholes in our country's strategic domestic and foreign policy.