The diplomatic facade constructed in Santiago between Presidents Javier Milei and José Antonio Kast last Thursday, the 3rd of this month, finally crumbled in the most unexpected way: through the words of Chile's Minister of National Defense, Fernando Barros Tocornal . In an interview given in recent hours to Radio Polar of Magallanes, the head of the Chilean military not only openly endorsed the maritime trade corridor between Punta Arenas and the Malvina Islands, but also explicitly adopted British colonial doctrine by asserting that the United Kingdom is a "friendly country" that has "exercised sovereignty" over the archipelago for 200 years and subordinating any claim to the "will" of the occupiers.

Barros's statements do not come from a marginal figure in Chilean politics . He is the influential 68-year-old corporate lawyer— educated at Harvard and the London School of Economics, founder of the mega-firm Barros & Errázuriz, and tax advisor for over three decades to former President Sebastián Piñera —who on March 11, 2016, assumed civilian command of the Armed Forces under the Kast administration. His pronouncement reveals the true defense doctrine that governs the La Moneda Palace regarding the South Atlantic .

Adopting the British playbook: From "de facto sovereignty" to the "will" of the islanders

In the audio recording broadcast by the Chilean station, Barros attempted to strike a formal balance, but ended up undermining the historical stance of unrestricted support for the Argentine claim :

“Chile has indicated that it supports Argentina’s claim, its sovereignty claim over the Malvinas or Malvina Islands; but there is a factual situation: a friendly country, isn’t that right?, has exercised sovereignty over the islands for 200 years… Therefore, it is one thing to support a claim against the position of a friendly country, but in accordance with international law, respecting the will and interests of the people involved and through peaceful means , ” the Minister of Defense stated verbatim.

The statement carries an unprecedented institutional gravity:

Open support for the Punta Arenas–Malvinas route

Far from distancing himself from the commercial maneuver promoted by Mayor Claudio Radonich together with the Easter Island shipping company and the colonial directors of the FIDC, the Chilean Minister of Defense shielded the operation:

“Chile and the Magallanes community have the right to engage in commerce and carry out all activities permitted by law. Therefore, I see no problem with these activities taking place , ” Barros stated on Radio Polar .

For the minister who oversees the military leadership of the Kast government, territorial sovereignty and regional strategic security are subordinate to free trade and local laws . With this definition, the ministry that commands the Chilean Army, Navy, and Air Force makes it clear that it will not lift a finger to obstruct the first departure of the Easter Island ship, scheduled for November 2026.

Lack of knowledge about Mercosur: "They are political commitments, not legally binding"

The most revealing part of the interview exposes how Chile conceives of its neighborly obligations. When asked about the restrictions and impact this maritime bridge has on hydrocarbon and mining exploration in the disputed area, Barros downplayed the weight of South American treaties :

“There is one specific issue that may be a bit more contentious, which is the issue of oil and mining exploration, which must be analyzed in due course and how it aligns with the commitments that Chile made as a country, although they are of a political nature and not legally binding, in Mercosur and Unasur, in the sense that it supported the Argentine claim in a more categorical, more partial way,” he stated without blushing.

For the head of the Argentine Defense Ministry, the 2011 Mercosur Declaration —through which member and associated states, including Chile, formally committed to preventing vessels flying the illegal flag of the islands or supporting the plundering of disputed resources from entering their ports —is a mere, dispensable statement . He characterized this historic consensus as "not legally binding" and "partial," rendering ineffective the commitment that Kast himself signed with Milei on September 3rd regarding "preventing the consolidation of illegal logistical activities" in the fishing and hydrocarbon sectors.

Masks fall on the southern chessboard

Fernando Barros Tocornal 's words further clarify the geopolitical landscape:

1.   The British alliance consolidated: The minister who just weeks ago met behind closed doors with the UK ambassador, David Concar, to deepen bilateral military cooperation, is the same one who today publicly calls Great Britain a "friendly country" and endorses the colonial presence in the South Atlantic.

2.   Disregard for Argentine legislation: Chile not only allows Punta Arenas to become the beachhead for supplying the Sea Lion oil field, but also considers that the laws of the Argentine Nation that tax colonial smuggling in jurisdictional waters are not applicable to its commercial interests.

3.   The challenge to the Argentine State: With a colonial delegation set to land in Punta Arenas on September 28 and 29, headed by 40 British businessmen to finalize supply contracts, the response from La Moneda is not one of containment but of open complicity.

Fernando Barros's background as a lawyer specializing in trusts and transnational businesses eloquently explains the nature of his actions: his defense of Chile is not driven by continental brotherhood or the mandate of decolonization, but rather by corporate profits and a tactical partnership with the British Crown . Faced with this openness from across the Andes, the Argentine Foreign Ministry and the national government no longer have room for lukewarm diplomacy: either the criminal sanctions of Law 26.659 and the maritime blockade at the mouth of the Strait are rigorously enforced, or the consolidation of an Anglo-Chilean pincer movement over our southern sea is tacitly validated.