Argentina's recent formalization of its intention to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) has raised initial concerns in foreign policy circles and legal academia. What the government presents as a bold step toward "smart integration" into the most dynamic global markets, Clarín columnist Natasha Niebieskikwiat and international law professor and specialist Juan Facundo Bessón analyze, offer a glimpse into the real impact, the dark spots, and the shadow cast by this mega-agreement over the Malvina Islands issue.

The Newsworthy Event: Argentina's Transpacific Shift

Last week, during the OECD Ministerial Meeting in Paris, Foreign Minister Pablo Quirno formally delivered to New Zealand's Trade Minister Todd McClay the note of intent for Argentina to join the CPTPP, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership .

ARGENTINA FORMALIZED ITS INTENTION TO JOIN THE COMPREHENSIVE AND PROGRESSIVE TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (CPTPP).

I delivered to New Zealand's Minister of Trade and Investment, Todd McClay, the formal note of intent to join one of the agreements… pic.twitter.com/CQIAqCX6bh

This bloc currently comprises 12 economies ( North America: Canada and Mexico; South America: Chile and Peru; Europe: the United Kingdom (formalized its entry at the end of 2024) ; Asia: Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Brunei; Oceania: Australia and New Zealand). It represents 15% of global GDP and a market of 595 million people , consolidating itself as one of the largest free trade areas on the planet and an alternative for diversification in the face of tariff shifts by traditional powers.

However, the announcement has been processed in the "style" of the current administration: a tweet, little public deliberation and a profound lack of explanations towards the local business and legislative network .

Tomorrow morning, Argentina will present its accession to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a trade agreement comprised of 12 countries that represent 13% of the world's GDP, including the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia and Singapore.

God bless the Republic of Argentina.

End.

The geopolitical implications and Besson's warning

To understand the magnitude of what is being discussed, it is necessary to dismantle the fiction that this is a mere "tariff agreement." As Juan Facundo Bessón points out, the CPTPP is a dense transnational legal framework that regulates everything from intellectual property and state-owned enterprises to the resolution of disputes between states and corporations.

Bessón uses fundamental categories from thinkers like Juan Carlos Puig and Marcelo Gullo to frame the situation:

In this context, Argentina's decision to align itself with Western regulatory standards reflects the economic pragmatism of Javier Milei 's government. However, it comes at a time of intense friction in the global hegemonic transition, where the struggle between the West and the BRICS bloc forces peripheral countries to act with extreme caution to avoid simply exchanging one form of dependency for another.

The Malvinas Paradox: Sharing a table with the squatter

The most sensitive and controversial aspect of joining the CPTPP is undoubtedly the United Kingdom . London formally joined the treaty on December 15, 2024, as part of its global post-Brexit strategy.

This creates an unprecedented scenario since the 1982 war: Argentina and the United Kingdom would be part of the same organization with high economic trust for the first time.

The implications of this fact are critical on three levels:

1. The Role of the United Kingdom Evaluator

The process of joining the CPTPP is not automatic; it requires the bloc's Commission to approve the start of accession negotiations. Since the United Kingdom is a full member, the power that illegally occupies the Malvina Islands will have a voice, a vote, and the ability to condition Argentina's institutional entry. This situation borders on diplomatic subservience if the country does not establish firm conditions beforehand.

2. The Void of Legal Reserves

Experts consulted by Clarín warn that the CPTPP does not allow for reservations in the strict sense under the terms of the Vienna Convention. While the current British accession does not explicitly include the Malvina Islands under the treaty—mentioning territories such as Gibraltar, Guernsey, and Jersey—there is an article that allows for future extension to other overseas territories with the consent of the parties. To safeguard its claim to national sovereignty, the Argentine Foreign Ministry is obligated to submit interpretative declarations and legally binding annexes. So far, the San Martín Palace has maintained absolute secrecy regarding how it will address this issue.

3. The Oil Factor (2028)

The geopolitical urgency is significant: companies like Navitas (Israel) and Rockhopper (United Kingdom) plan to begin oil extraction in the Malvina Islands basin by 2028. The entry of British, Canadian, or other trans-Pacific bloc capital into this illegal exploitation could drastically alter the interests of the CPTPP member countries, weakening Argentina's diplomatic position if the country joins the treaty without a doctrine for defending its natural resources.

The Institutional Question: Will Congress authorize it?

Both journalistic accounts and academic analysis converge on a key institutional question: Will this agreement pass through the National Congress?

The National Constitution is unequivocal: the approval of international treaties and the establishment of foreign trade policy are powers of the Legislative Branch. Natasha Niebieskikwiat points out that neither the Secretariat of International Economic Relations ( Fernando Brun ) nor the Legal Counsel of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has reported whether the accession has complied with the internal institutional procedures.

Unlike previous administrations (such as that of Mauricio Macri or the first moves of former Foreign Minister Diana Mondino herself, who went to Congress and business chambers to explain the trade goals), the current actions of the Chief of Staff and the Ministry of Economy are handled under a strict "administrative rigor" and with their backs turned to parliamentary debate.

Besson's final warning resonates strongly in light of the fact revealed by Clarín : the problem lies not in trading with the world, but in doing so without a national doctrine, without explicit reservations about the South Atlantic and fragmented from the rest of the region .

While the United Kingdom deploys low-intensity diplomacy to get its South American neighbors (Brazil, Uruguay, Chile) to normalize its colonial and military presence in Mount Pleasant through logistical and scientific ties, Argentina cannot afford inaction or mere "administrative enthusiasm".

If the Trans-Pacific Partnership is implemented by surrendering sovereignty piecemeal and without congressional approval, or worse, with its approval, the promised economic modernization risks becoming a sophisticated form of international subordination, especially to the United Kingdom.

Sources:

Malvinas Agenda

Clarion